Nt Was There Consensus In Post War British Politics Politics Essay

Nt Was There Consensus In Post War British regime Politics EssayIn the context of politics, the term consensus can be defined as a broad agreement exists between parties on chief(prenominal) areas of policy1. Despite early being employ as early as the 1950s, the word consensus came to prominence in 1975 when Paul Addison used it to describe the perceive similarities in the goals and policies of the alternating campaign and Conservative goernments in the post-war period. The end of World War II was arguably a catalyst for the implementation of ideas2which had been building for decades former to the outbreak of war. However, the supposed consensus which existed began to disintegrate in the late 1970s. Commentators, including Brian Harrison, hold up pinned its demise to 1975 and the appointment of Margaret Thatcher as Conservative troupe leader due to her struggle (against) those who move consensus3. Cruci onlyy, the notion of consensus has not been met with universal acceptan ce historians, including Pimlott, have suggested it was a myth, proposing that consensus is a mirage an illusion that rapidly fades the endingr one gets to it4. In spite of this however, it will be argued that thither was indeed agreement between the major parties on fundamental issues. However, the parties often differed in terms of attitude and approach, thus suggesting that consensus is too strong a word to describe this period. Concurring with Hennessy that post-war devisetlement5is perhaps a to a greater extent appropriate description, this essay will take a thematic approach, assessing the degree of consensus in regard to three key areas economic policy social policy and finally outside and defence policy.Perhaps the most significant area in which to measure the extent of political consensus is through the assessment of economic policy in the post-war period. Public ownership is an area in which, ideologicly at least, agitate and the Conservatives should have had divergent views. However, during the late 1940s, coal, gas, electricity, constrict and steel were all nationalised and, by the early 1950s, 20 per cent of industry and commerce was state-controlled6. Crucially, it was a Labour government responsible for the nationalisation statues in the 1940s while the Conservatives rebrinyed unconnected to such measures, pledging to reverse the statutes and return industry to the private sector. Whilst such plans were never realised, it would be too simplistic to make the assumption that this meant a consensus had been reached. Rather, a convince case can be made to suggest that a compromise, as opposed to agreement, was reached, with the Conservatives accepting public ownership unwillingly7because they sought to avoid causing further disruption. However unwilling the Conservatives may have been, it is clear that, at least until the early 1970s, public ownership remained a point of consensus between the 2 main parties the only significant change in thi s field occurred in 1964 with the renationalisation of iron and steel by Wilsons Labour government.Moreover, strategy towards employment is arguably another key aspect of post-war economic policy which initially points towards a consensus between the two main parties. Following the mass unemployment which characterised the inter-war period, the Second World War virtually eradicated this problem. Understandably, twain Labour and the Conservatives sought to maintain this at the end of the war, as outline in the White Paper on Employment in 1944 which stated that the maintenance of a high and stable level of employment8would be a key foregoingity for post-war governments. The belief in Keynesianism and commitment to full employment was maintained for three decades, with unemployment averaging less(prenominal) than 3 per cent between 1945 and 19709. Whilst at first this appears to be a clear indicator of consensus, a strong case can be made to suggest that both parties were motivated by pragmatism, accept that full employment was good politics10as it kept morale high and people in work, thus increasing their likelihood of re-election. Furthermore, it is clear that the Conservatives were arguably reluctant partners in the commitment to full employment. Whilst Labour declared its support for introducing measures in the private sector to jockstrap achieve full employment, the Conservatives showed a greater degree of reticence. Throughout the 1950s, the Conservatives pledged only to maintain11present policy, with Kavanagh suggesting this was merely an attempt to live down their reputation as the party of unemployment in the thirty-something12. Subtly, this suggests that the only real source of consensus was in the rhetoric of both parties who both claimed to be advocates of Keynesian economics despite, however, speaking it with different accents and differing emphasis13.What is more, a trey significant aspect of economic policy which, on the out-of-doors, sugg ests a strong degree of consensus in the post-war period concerns trade unions. Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, trade unions bear their important role in politics for another thirty years after the Labour defeat in 1951 because, as Peter Dorey asserts, both parties accept the desirability of working with, rather than against14trade unions. Demonstrating the extent of the consensus, in the late 1940s, the Conservative party asserted its acceptance of, and commitment to15trade unionism. A convincing case can be made to suggest that both parties had converging views on trade unions because they appreciated the symbiotic relationship between government and the unions. The scheme of the 1953 railway strike is a prime example of this the strike was prevented following close negotiations between the government and National Union of Railwaymen, demonstrating what could be achieved by close co-operation between the two16. However, it is important to assess the nature of the perceived conse nsus. Significantly, trade unions have been described by the likes of the historian Matthias Matthijs as Labours paymasters17due to the large similitude of party funding they provided. In contrast, the Conservatives were independent from the trade unions and were, thus, more critical of trade unionism, seeking to reform the way in which unions functioned. Therefore, it is clear that, despite share-out the same fundamental belief in the brilliance of trade unions, both parties had differing attitudes and approaches as a result of their conflicting interests.A further key area, which is inwrought to discuss in order to assess the extent to which there was a consensus in post-war British politics, is social policy, with item reference to the National Health Service, eudaemonia, and education. A strong argument can be made to support the assertion that there was indeed a great deal of consensus between the two main parties regarding the welfare state. By the fall of the Labour gover nment in 1951, the foundations were arguably complete but, crucially, if the newly-elected Conservative government had reversed Labours plans, the NHS and welfare state would not have come into existence. The very fact that the Conservatives chose to continue with Labours plans implies a mutual appreciation and acceptance of the key principles18which underpinned welfare pro plenty. In fact, every government, regardless of party, committed to maintaining and improve19the welfare state, except for the Heath government between 1970 and 1972. Moreover, following the publication of the Beveridge Report in 1942, it is plausible to suggest that the NHS and welfare state represented more than simply a consensus on policy instead, the report arguably profoundly influenced both parties and subtly suggests a consensus in their beliefs and principles. This assertion is supported by the likes of Rodney Lowe, who argues that there was now an understanding that government could assume a positive2 0role in improving the lives of its citizens.However, despite evidence of a strong, universal commitment to the welfare state between 1945 and 1974, there is evidence of greater divergence between the two parties over time, particularly with regards to the provision of social services and education. Crucially, in the 1960s, elements in spite of appearance the Conservative party began to doubt21the concept of universal welfare provision, believing instead that selectivity would both reduce welfare spending whilst also targetting those who needed help most. These divisions continued to grow throughout the 1960s and early 1970s as right-wing Conservatives began claim(ing) that high levels of welfare spending were () undermining the economy22. Similarly, with regard to education, on the surface at least, this appeared to be a source of consensus the Education Act of 1944 was conceived by the Conservatives but enacted by Labour, suggesting a common vision for secondary education in Brit ain. However, as noted by Nick Ellison, there was conflict between the two parties regarding comprehensive and private education. The division on this issue highlights the fundamental ideological differences which existed between Labour and the Conservatives Labours egalitarian perspective contrasted markedly with Conservative education policy23. Significantly, this illustrates the limitations of consensus, suggesting that party ideology was not compromised in the name of consensus.Finally, a terce broad area which requires discussion in order to determine the extent to which there was a consensus in post-war British politics is foreign and defence policy, with particular reference to Europe, decolonisation and the British Commonwealth. The debate surrounding European desegregation can be seen, on the surface at least, as evidence of consensus in the post-war period. Throughout the 1950s, both parties remained opposed24to various ventures, including the formation of the Coal and S teel community in 1950 and, later in 1954, the establishment of a European defending team Community. However, by the 1960s, both parties simultaneously came to accept that joining the European Economic Community was the best way to protect British interests25. Crucially, the issue of European integration highlights an important feature of the consensus whilst governments of both parties shared the same views on European integration, this was not necessarily representative of the opinions of party members, thus stressing the elitist nature of consensus politics and its disunite from party opinion26.Furthermore, the policy of decolonisation, achieved through the granting of independence to colonies and the subsequent transition to a Commonwealth, marked a clear departure from the policies pursued by Britain prior to the Second World War. Despite the drastic change in direction, both parties appear, in rhetoric at least, to have shared a common vision for the British Empire in the po st-war era. This is highlighted in their 1950 election manifestos in which both Labour and the Conservatives outlined their commitment to the Commonwealth and decolonisation. The similarity in the language used is striking Labour outlined its desire to strengthen27the association between nations while the Conservatives pledged to and promote and support28the Commonwealth. On the one hand, this can be perceived as highlighting the true extent to which both parties shared a united vision for post-war foreign policy. However, manifesto rhetoric does not eternally truly represent the views of the party. Anthony Seldon concurs with this, claiming that Labour was enthusiastic29while the Conservatives were more reluctant30about the prospect of decolonisation. However, there are several aspects where there is generally less debate regarding the extent of consensus between the main parties. For instance, both Labour and the Conservatives recognised the value of maintaining a nuclear deterre nt and were also of the same view regarding the importance of both Britains membership to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the maintenance of close links with the USA31. Thus, it is clear that, whilst there were key elements of consensus in post-war foreign and domestic policy, there are also several examples of disagreement.Overall, in assessing economic, social and foreign policy between 1945 and 1974, this essay has highlighted numerous points upon which Labour and the Conservative party have shared a common vision for post-war Britain. However, there are also many examples of disagreement and divergence between the main parties. Fundamentally, it is clear that both parties shared broadly similar goals and policies but differed in terms of their attitude and approach to achieving their shared vision. The key issue is one of semantics, however. Historians have differing definitions of consensus, making it all the more difficult to assess the extent to which there was a c onsensus in this period. If Addisons definition of consensus as a historically unusual degree of agreement over a wide range of economic and social policies32is accepted, then it is impossible to deny the strength of consensus in the post-war period. Crucially, as Seldon notes, the use of the word consensus can be unhelpful as it is ambiguous, with some historians referring to a consensus over policy33while others advocate the existence of a deeper, more profound commitment to a set of common beliefs and values34. However, despite the ambiguity of the word, the extent to which the two main parties agreed on fundamental issues during this thirty year period was arguably unparalleled. In spite of the disagreements which occurred, there were no major shifts in policy and the existence of a broad consensus, amongst the governing elite at least, is undeniable.